Why teens? My take on society’s perception of adolescents, admittedly painted with a broad stroke, was similar then to what it is now: I had a tendency to view teens as difficult, emotionally tormented individuals who frequently make poor decisions and can be unpleasant to be around. This perception was supported by stories I heard from my colleagues who worked with teens as well as from friends who shared of their own teen years. It crystallized for me when my 10-year-old daughter informed me last summer that she dreaded becoming a teenager because adults would no longer like her. She cited example after example of adult conversations she’d overheard in which they described their adolescent children with an array of negative anecdotes and adjectives, followed by eruptions of laughter and nods of agreement. She didn’t want to suddenly become, by virtue of passing time, a person no longer valued by the adult world.

We sometimes forget that adolescents are, in fact, children, despite their adult-sized bodies. When I got past the outer protective shell, what I found with homeless youth was scared, vulnerable, hurting children who desperately wanted to be loved and respected. As I shifted to the foster care system, I found a plethora of resources for young children and waiting lists of foster parents who want to care for them; however, once they become teens, they are considered “unadoptable” and “difficult-to-place” in foster home settings. As such, they are often relegated to less family-like settings such as group homes. These are the kids who are most likely to linger in foster care until they turn 18, aging out of the system instead of reunifying with their parents or being adopted. What we now know about these young people is that when they “age out” of the child welfare system, they have a very rough transition to young adulthood. Without the safety net of family support, they are at extremely high risk of joblessness, homelessness and incarceration. The system that was set up to protect children fails them once they are no longer small, and we all pay the price when a young adult is homeless or in prison rather than an engaged and contributing member of society.

One of the core values of my profession is “the importance of human relationships.” As a social worker, I lean toward solutions that occur through this venue. While we often think of adolescence as a time of separation and independence, we often do not see that this occurs in the context of relationships and interdependence. A recent research study of mine was an evaluation of a foster care program called Creating Ongoing Relationships Effectively (CORE) at Family Alternatives, Inc. CORE focused on older youth in foster care, helping them identify supportive adults in their lives who would commit to seeing them through their transitions out of foster care and into adulthood. We learned from that study that these youth want such relationships but do not have the skills to build them nor the ability to recognize potential supporters. More importantly, we learned that supportive adults are, in fact, out there and willing to help. We also found it is critical that older foster youth be given the reins to take charge of their lives and make decisions while they were still in care. It was hard for adults to permit the youth to make “poor” decisions. Yet, shortly, in some cases only a few months, they would be completely on their own. The CORE model encourages youth to play out their choices and make mistakes before they are on their own, when the stakes are lower.

I now am embarking on a related three-year study, “Fostering Youth Transitions,” funded by the Andrus Family Fund, which will be conducted with the same agency. The study will assess the effectiveness of a framework developed to help youth and their foster parents make sense of the emotional and social processes youth undergo during major life transitions, in particular the transition into and out of foster care. If this study demonstrates that the framework improves outcomes for young adults once they age out, it will be one of the only such tools available for social workers.

In keeping with the CORE model of youth empowerment, at the center of the transitions study is the voice of the youth. In all the adolescent topics I’ve studied, most of the information about children comes from adults. We have so much to learn when we listen to the ideas and perceptions of children and youth. In my earlier research years, I conducted one of the first studies to interview children of incarcerated parents rather than gather information about them from other sources. The teens in my runaway and foster care studies always have proven to be incredibly articulate and insightful. I count on them to help us adults make sense of their world.

Engaging students in research is critical to me. I want to witness another generation of social workers who not only use information from research but also want to engage in it. For that reason, I built research assistant funding into my grant proposal. It allows me to hire both an undergraduate BSW student and a graduate MSW student through the school year as well as the summers for the next three years. Already, only a few months into the study, they are highly engaged, and in response I have opened more opportunities to meet their enthusiasm. They have taken charge of managing data, have suggested ideas for measurement and analysis, and not only attend the foster agency meetings but are active participants.

Andrea Nesmith is assistant professor at the School of Social Work.

From Exemplars, a publication of the Grants and Research Office.

The Opus College of Business ranks No. 110 out of the 494 schools that hold accreditation from the Association to Advance Collegiate School of Business. The school ranked No. 104 a year ago, the first year that Opus was eligible because of its December 2010 accreditation, and last fall Opus’ undergraduate program ranked No. 117 among 388 AACSB-accredited programs.

“While we would like to move upward each year, we are very pleased that our rankings in only our second year of AACSB accreditation continue to place us well inside the top 25 percent of all AACSB-accredited business schools,” said Dr. Christopher Puto, dean of the college. “We see this as demonstrable proof that our mission-driven approach to business education resonates in the business community.”

The School of Law ranks No. 124, an improvement from its highest ranking of No. 135 two years ago. The School of Law was ranked for the first time in 2007, when it appeared in the third tier.

The School of Social Work, a joint program sponsored by St. Thomas and St. Catherine University, continues to be ranked No. 52, as it was a year ago. U.S. News does not conduct a new social work survey every year; in a ranking three years ago, the St. Thomas-St. Catherine program placed No. 53.

The School of Education, part of the College of Education, Leadership and Counseling, is not ranked numerically by U.S. News but alphabetically among schools in the second tier.

The St. Thomas School of Engineering is not listed in the national graduate rankings because it does not offer doctoral programs. Last fall, U.S. News ranked St. Thomas No. 69 among 193 engineering schools that offer bachelor’s and master’s degrees, but not doctorates, and are accredited by the Accreditation Board for Engineering and Technology (ABET).

After two to three years in the camp, the couple, with their families, immigrated to the United States under the sponsorship of a family member living in Minnesota.

Xiong is the middle of seven, first-generation-American siblings, all born in Minnesota.

Given Xiong’s family history of immigrants and refugees, her inclination to study and advocate for marginalized populations seems a natural path.

As a scholar in the Ronald E. McNair Post-Baccalaureate Achievement program, Xiong studied how sexual identity development also is influenced by cultural identity development in the LGBTQ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer) Hmong community.

“What I love about social work is working with people, especially with people one on one. The core competencies of social work are about making social change, fighting for social justice and making things happen for individuals and communities in need. As a Hmong American, I feel obligated to help my people,” Xiong said.

She noted in a presentation she gave in January at the National Conference on LGBT Equality in Atlanta that of the 64,000 Hmong Americans living in Minnesota, no records exist of the gay, lesbian and bisexual population among them.

“We need to capture a better understanding of the feelings among Hmong gays, lesbians and bisexuals who are given the message that they do not belong in their families and communities. As well as provide a better sense of unity in the Hmong community … .” she wrote.

Her adviser, Dr. Pa Der Vang, assistant professor of social work at St. Thomas and St. Catherine University, was excited when Xiong approached her with her topic, “Culture and Sexual Identity: An Analysis Through the Perceptions of Hmong-American Minnesotans.”

“This is a new area of study and is consistent with the values of social work, which emphasize scholarship and service to improve the lives of the oppressed in our society. In addition, LGBTQ issues among the Hmong is an understudied topic, so this was a great opportunity for G Lee to do some groundbreaking research,” Vang said.

In a previous research project through a Collaborative Inquiry Grant (through St. Thomas’ Grants and Research Office), Xiong “took a more general approach to acculturation with Hmong Americans.” The McNair project, she said, allowed her to explore another layer of Hmong-American culture and bring awareness to the identity challenges faced by LGBTQ Hmong.

She felt moved to research her topic after a reunion with a middle school friend, who is Hmong, last year.

“Although I don’t identify as LGBTQ, I am a huge ally, especially after hearing about my friend’s coming out process and her difficulty coming out to her family and workplace. For her to feel comfortable coming out to me when I hadn’t seen her in so long meant a lot to me,” she said.

Finding willing participants for her study, however, proved a challenge.

Research challenges and findings

“My goal was to get 30 to 50 (Hmong LGBTQ) participants, and I wound up with 17 (six gay or lesbian, four bisexual, one questioning and, oddly, six heterosexual). Though I probably would’ve received much less if weren’t for the help I received from Shades of Yellow.”

SOY, a St. Paul-based nonprofit dedicated to advocating for LGBTQ Hmong, is the only such organization in the United States. The organization helped Xiong distribute her surveys via Facebook and email.

Her findings provided a clue into why she encountered difficulty finding more participants: 70 percent admitted to experiencing difficulty fitting in with the community and 64 percent “dealt with their sexuality alone.” Sixty-two percent came out to close siblings and friends in early to young adulthood despite knowing they were gay since their pre-teen years.

Xiong added that “half of the respondents expressed fear of ruining their family’s reputation or bringing shame to the family.”

On the bright side, 64 percent said some of their families accepted their sexual identities.

All of her respondents agreed on the existence of “intergenerational differences on views of gender roles and the (Hmong) taboo of being gay, lesbian or bisexual,” Xiong noted. It’s a gulf with which she has personal experience.

Intergenerational differences

“In my family, for instance, there was always a desire for more sons because the importance of carrying on the clan (or family) name is very important in traditional Hmong culture,” she said.

Xiong’s parents had four girls, of which Xiong is number four, before conceiving their first of two sons.

“It was a struggle for me and my sisters growing up,” she said. “The family structure for us was very traditional. We were taught by the time we were seven or eight years old that we were responsible for the household chores, like cooking and cleaning.”

She added, “For children born here, including all of my brothers and sisters and myself, we grew up having to juggle two identities: being Hmong and being American. Speaking for myself, to hold onto Hmong traditions and the culture while balancing it with the American dream: going to school, getting an education, learning English, was difficult. My siblings and I understand Hmong, but to have a one-hour uninterrupted conversation without using any English is very hard.”

A language barrier and a lack of an LGBTQ linguistic framework in the Hmong language contributes to the intergenerational gap in understanding and talking about gender roles and the role of family. There is no word for ‘lesbian,’ ‘gay’ or ‘bisexual’ in the Hmong language.

“To translate those words in Hmong, you have to describe what you mean, for instance ‘a man liking a man,’” Xiong explained.

“When I was discussing the marriage amendment with my parents, who are in their mid-40s, they didn’t understand the importance of it because they couldn’t understand what it was in the first place. I had to explain it to them in Hmong, which was difficult,” she said.

Her parents had many questions: “How will a woman have kids if she is not married to a man?” “What will they do … adopt?” ‘‘What if we don’t accept a man liking a man?’” Xiong remembered.

With strict traditions concerning family and marriage, Hmong American youth still figuring out their sexual identities face many challenges, she acknowledged.

“This is where the divide comes in, in the (traditional) insistence on marriage between a man and a woman,” she said.

One of her research findings illuminates this intergenerational divide.

“Another common thing with all of my participants is that they felt marriage is something that shouldn’t be limited only to a man and a woman, that you should be able to marry the one you love,” Xiong said.

A participant in her study made a comment that she feels captures the essence of her project: ” … the Hmong community is fairly young in the sense that we have yet to really settle down and grow into American culture. Those of us born and raised here seem to have more open minds about the LGBTQ, whereas the elderly seem to have more of a close-minded, traditional, ‘old school’ mentality. It’s to be expected, but as a Hmong American, I feel it is up to us to help change the perception for the future.”

All of her participants were between the ages of 18 and 39, which didn’t surprise Xiong. She guessed that very few older Hmong (40 and older) feel comfortable coming out. (For the record, 59 percent were male and 41 percent female; 35 percent were first generation and 65 percent second generation.)

“Bridging the gap”

Xiong doesn’t want her research to stop with this project.

“I want to continue bringing this conversation to the elders and bridging the gap between the generations,” she said.

After earning a master’s in social work (she already has applied to a handful of graduate programs) and perhaps a Ph.D., Xiong said she’s interested in becoming a professor, thanks to Vang, who, she said, “wasn’t just a mentor and professor, but someone I was able to relate to and understand. I really looked up to her as a role model.”

She also has a dream “to open up my own organization or business with my sisters. My second oldest sister is currently in graduate school for pharmacy, and my oldest sister graduated with a nursing degree. Another sister of mine is working on getting her degree in family and marriage counseling. Perhaps we could open up a family social service clinic or something. I think that would be cool,” she said.

As a policy advocate for children’s issues, I wondered why so few low-income parents were involved in advocating for issues related to poverty and child welfare. My doctoral studies led me to consider policy makers’ roles in constructing the citizenship identities of marginalized groups and how these influenced participation of low-income parents and resultant policies. My article on legislators’ depictions of low-income mothers in the 1996 welfare reform debate, “The Political Act of Public Talk: How Legislators Justified Welfare Reform,” in Social Service Review demonstrates how citizenship constructions can justify policies that marginalize citizenship. I found that parenting work, which had prompted the drafting of Aid to Dependent Children legislation in the Social Security Act, was ignored in the Congressional floor speeches and committee debates; no longer was it considered a legitimate means to claim citizenship rights. This neglect of parenting work under the new policy, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, allowed for the inclusion of time limits and work requirements to receive public assistance, regardless of the labor market, available child care and the importance of parenting work.

This research influenced my thinking about creating and perpetuating a disenfranchised class through legislators’ public talk. Membership in the national community (citizenship) requires the fulfillment of rights and obligations—yet, the question of how they are defined is key to the quality of that citizenship. In welfare reform, particular rights and obligations were connected in a quid pro quo fashion: paid-work engagement for economic benefits; however, when applied to more privileged groups, the connection is not so clear: For example, what are the obligations of middle and upper classes to gain mortgage interest tax deductions?

There is more than just a single citizenship obligation of paid work. T.H. Marshall (1950) theorized three domains of rights and obligations of citizenship that still are widely accepted: civil, political and social (Heater, 1999). While civil and political rights are well known, the idea of social rights, or providing for a “modicum of economic welfare and security to the right to share to the full in the social heritage and to live the life of a civilized being according to the standards prevailing in the society” (Marshall, 1950, p. 78), is not.

The three obligations of citizenship are also not well known. Civil obligations include interpersonal and organizational obligations in which members respect one another’s civil rights, promote the general welfare by respecting laws and individual rights and assure resources for the legal system. Political obligations include obligations of voting and informed political participation, organizational cooperation with other political groups, following political laws and regulations (as well as including resources needed to run such a system), military service to protect from outside threats and protesting and even overthrowing governments that violate rights. Social obligations involve raising a loving family, using health care prudently, maintaining a safe and clean environment, taking advantage of opportunities (such as education), pursuing a career to the benefit of society and tolerating social diversity. Also, those who receive unemployment or public assistance should look for work if they are able and willing to accept employment in or out of their homes. Likewise, we should respond to other persons’ needs for economic-transfer payments; furthermore, the state should provide resources for social rights. This delineation of rights and obligations highlights that citizenship is much more multifaceted than the simple fulfillment of paid-work engagement.

In the fall of 2011, I presented this framework at the Council of Social Work Education annual conference in Atlanta and received positive feedback. I was invited to co-write a chapter on citizen-friendly child welfare administration for a textbook for an international social work audience, titled “Providing Citizen-Centered Administration for Child Welfare.” This chapter articulates this emerging intervention style that focuses not only on claiming the rights of citizenship but also fulfilling obligations. The presentation of citizenship duties fulfilled will, one can hope, position low-income persons as full citizens deserving of the full array of citizenship rights.

Additionally, my sabbatical in the spring of 2013 will focus on fleshing out this theory of citizenship by conducting archival research on the Phyllis Wheatley Settlement House. I will look for ways in which rights and obligations of citizenship were embodied in a social intervention that was developed for African-Americans in Minneapolis during the Depression and into the Civil Rights Era. Looking to social work’s history may inform social work’s future practice. I am hopeful that a book outlining citizenship social work, with regards to theory, historical context and present-day social work will be an outcome of this research.

The ways we claim citizenship are not solely based on the obligations we fulfill, but the way others and we portray and construct these obligations. Historically, social work has been deeply involved in addressing needs and invoking the idea of “rights” to demand services; from Jane Addams to Charlotte Towle to Dorothy Height, social workers have engaged in rights-claiming focused on a wide range of issues including alleviation of hunger, poverty and discrimination. In this manner, social work has helped people gain voice and benefits; however, rights-claiming without highlighting the fulfillment of citizenship obligations becomes problematic in public debate and policy. For example, Linda Kerber (1998), a noted American welfare historian, argued that women’s exclusion from citizenship obligations (military duty, juries, certain paid work) limited their citizenship rights claims (benefits from the GI Bill, representative juries and economic equality).

I hope that infusing “citizenship” into social work will influence the profession by having us be intentional about presenting the already fulfilled obligations of people who need social services; furthermore, I hope this theory propels a conversation about the need for social workers, regardless of their focus of practice, to be involved in shaping how our clients are portrayed in the wider public, as this influences the nature of policies created regarding them.

As emerging theory, students do influence its development. I actively discuss these concepts in class and have students wrestle with them. My hope is that in the future, I will conduct interviews with low-income persons about their perceptions and embodiment of citizenship, as well as investigate the extent to which social work organizations assist clients towards this end.

Jane Addams, the founder of Hull House, and one of the founding mothers of social work, was really the first to suggest that citizenship and democracy are at the core of working with disenfranchised groups. Her settlement-house model was based on incorporating immigrants into communities through organizing self help groups, recognizing cultural strengths, encouraging civic participation and advocating for social reform; however, with the emergence of the individual casework method (based on the medical model) and the related desire to professionalize, the settlement house model lost favor. Scholars argue that Addams’s lack of an articulation of a specific method spelled the demise of this citizen-based intervention. Perhaps this attempt to develop just such a theory goes some way to address this, placing the profession squarely where we were when we set out to help the poor. Addams says in her book, Democracy and Social Ethics, “To follow the path of social morality results perforce in the temper if not the practice of the democratic spirit, for it implies that diversified human experience and resultant sympathy which are the foundation and guarantee of Democracy.”

Jessica Toft is associate professor at the School of Social Work.

 From Exemplars, a publication of the Grants and Research Office.

When you consider her fellow presenters: the vice president of racial justice and public policy for the YWCA of Minneapolis, professionals working for human rights and social justice, and a slew of Ph.D.s, well, you might start to think Fraction is onto something.

“It’s very intense what St. Thomas and the national McNair program does for these kids. It’s a whole lot bigger than just learning about research. It’s presenting their research, building an academic portfolio, giving definitive shape to where they want to take their academic careers. What Shanea is doing at this conference is huge. She just started with the program in June and she already has proven herself capable of presenting her research to her peers. I’m so proud of her,” Fraction said.

Turner-Smith, took some time before the conference to talk about her project, “The Multiracial Experience: Identity Formation and the Perception of Racial Prejudice and Discrimination at Predominantly White Universities,” (on which Dr. Buffy Smith, Sociology and Criminal Justice Department, College of Arts and Sciences, served as her adviser) as well as her own experience.

Do you consider yourself multiracial, and what has been your personal experience with prejudice and discrimination? 

I do. My mom is Nigerian, African American, Creole, Scottish, French and Native American (Sioux, Choctaw). My father is African American, German, Irish, Puerto Rican and Native American (Blackfoot, Cherokee).

My personal experience with prejudice and discrimination is few and far between. I didn’t experience a lot of prejudice or discrimination because I have always lived in racially diverse communities. My elementary school, in particular, was very diverse, so my ethnicity was never questioned, nor was I ever attacked because I was a minority. I will say that by going to a predominantly white high school I never felt like I could connect with my white classmates, and I always felt “less than.” I also always knew that there was racial tension between races because my parents would come home and vent about their shared experiences with racial prejudice and discrimination. I can say that my race has been questioned quite frequently. I’ve had people think I was white, and when I told them I was mixed with African American, they treated me differently or made an alarming face that seemed to show they were uncomfortable to learn that. I even have had people call me “momma cita” because they thought me Hispanic, and I also have had Hispanic individuals assume I am also Hispanic, based on my physical characteristics, and speak Spanish to me! So to answer the question I have not had too many direct encounters with prejudice and discrimination, they’ve just been more subtle or based on my perception of what I believe people are thinking about me judging from the things they say or do.

The research question your project seeks to answer is: How do multiracial and minority “mono-racial” students perceive and experience racial prejudice and discrimination at predominantly white universities? Now that you’ve completed your research, how would you answer that question? Are there significant differences between their perceptions and their experiences?

I would say that multiracial and minority mono-racial students perceive racial prejudice and discrimination the same, meaning that while they know that both happen on their campuses, they experience racial prejudice and discrimination differently to an extent. My research showed that multiracial and minority mono-racial students both felt like a minority at their predominantly white campuses. They felt alienated in the classroom when called upon to give their “minority perspective,” or they felt uncomfortable getting into groups for projects and class discussion because they felt “out of place,” and as if their opinions were not valued. The students who participated in my study (all from St. Thomas) felt that there was prejudice and discrimination taking place on campus, but the multiracial and Hispanic participants faced this differently than the minority mono-racial African students. The multiracial and Hispanic students’ racial identities were always in question, which made them feel that they were the odd one out or that they could not identify fully with either of their ethnicities (for the multiracial students). The Hispanic students were mistaken for other Hispanic groups. For example, one participant was Puerto Rican and people perceived him as Mexican or made statements to him like, “Aren’t Mexican and Puerto Ricans pretty much the same thing?” This was very frustrating for that particular participant because his ethnic identity wasn’t valued or respected for its rich heritage and traditions. Instead it was put into a generic category of “Hispanics.” That said, my multiracial and Hispanic students felt that their ethnicities were not being recognized and appreciated in a sense. The African participants felt like they were always being asked, “Why are you acting white?” because they did not fit the stereotype of their perceived race. Instead of the African students being congratulated on their individualized success and merit they were seen as exceptions to their “lazy and uneducated” race, which in return sends the message that valuing education is a white attribute, and any person of a minority race who values his or her education is “acting white.” This was very hurtful for my African participants to have all of their hard work be boiled down to their race instead of who they are as a person. All of my participants stated that as “minorities” their merit was always questioned by their peers who believed they received scholarships based on race instead of merit. It would be great if everyone just received a scholarship due to their race without having to work hard in school, but that is not the case at all and it is insulting when people make statements like that. If that was true then school systems would be flooded with students if merit was not a criteria when applying to college and being awarded scholarships.

I would argue that there aren’t significant differences between my participants’ perceptions and their experiences because their perceptions are based on their experiences. I think that it is possible to know that racism exists even if you haven’t experienced racism firsthand, but my participants disclosed their personal accounts with prejudice and discrimination so their personal experiences impact their perceptions of racial prejudice and discrimination on their campus and in society. Since my participants did have personal experiences with prejudice and discrimination I think it validated for them that racism is a real issue of concern and oppression that still exists today.

How has the McNair Scholars program transformed your approach to your career path?

From a young age I knew I would go on to graduate school. My parents never had to force me to do my homework! So the focus the program places on intensive, graduate-level research was a great fit for me. I now know that I need a Ph.D. The degree will give me the credentials I will need to make a change. I’m a social work major now, which is important to me because social workers are the people working in the field with the families we want to help. We’re hands on, which is so important. But I also know that I want public policy and sociology to be a part of my graduate education because those fields provide the intellectual and political tools necessary to change the system. You have to play the game in order to change the game; you have to know the system in order to change the system.

Some race scholars contend that “race is an experience, not a fact − so if a person is treated as black, he or she is black, regardless of the number of ‘drops’ (regardless of whether he or she has parents of multiple races but may have, for example, a grandparent or great-grandparent of a minority race).” (I borrowed that from Microtrends by Mark Penn.) What is your take on that statement?

I would agree that race is an experience and not a fact. Race is a social construct that consists of ambiguous labels that can change over time. For example, African Americans were called the N-word, colored, negro, Black, and then finally African American. If race were a fact, the labels wouldn’t have changed over time, and we would not categorize people differently. The “one-drop rule” placed anyone with African American lineage in the racial category “African American,” but today we classify people who may have both African American and Caucasian lineage as biracial or multiracial. I agree that race is an experience not only because the concept has no biological basis, but also because people will perceive and interact with you differently depending on how you self-identify racially or how they perceive you racially. As you encounter people you immediately place them into one socially constructed box based on “race.” You have already made assumptions about that person. Speaking for myself, today we had a Dakota speaker who talked about past wrongs to her indigenous people, and it affected me personally. Even though people may not look at me and classify me as Native American, I know that that blood runs in me. It’s a spiritual connection. Those were my ancestors and the great hurt I feel knowing what happened to them is undeniable.

Tell us more about the “unique standpoint” of multiracial people compared to those who are minority mono-racial.

Multiracial people have the ability to be chameleons in a sense. Although they may or may not be perceived as minorities based on their physical features, they have the ability to understand and connect with multiple races. And although they may be drawn to one of their ethnic identities over the other(s), they still are able to see both a minority perspective to a situation as well as the dominant perspective. When you are multiracial, the world truly isn’t white and black to you. By being the “gray” area, so to speak, you are a part of both worlds and can feel accepted by both races (white and black). When you are multiracial, people cannot always pigeon-hole you, which makes you feel unique in a sense, but it also can make you feel alienated if your racial identity is questioned in an offensive way. My research showed that the biggest difference between the multiracial and the minority mono-racial experience is the sense of culture and belonging. Minority mono-racial people can have a stronger sense of culture because they only have one racial/ethnic identity. Not only do they identify with just one racial category, but their physical features may categorize them with the racial category as well they may not get asked “What are you?” Multiracial students, on the other hand, may find it challenging to identify with all of their ethnic identities at once. Not knowing where you fit in in society it can make you feel alienated racially and can weaken your sense of belonging to a racial culture. I feel that being mono-racial and having family members who identify with you will create a strong connection to your ethnic background.

The phrase “self-identify” has popped up in academic and popular culture often in recent years, especially in terms of race and gender. In your paper, you often use the term “self-identify” to describe how your interviewees classify themselves by race – most having chosen two races. How important is this concept of self-identity when discussing the multiracial experience?

A person disclosing how they “self-identify” is important to both the multi- and mono-racial experiences. Before I interviewed my participants I asked them to fill out a nine-item demographic survey. Some of the questions I asked were: What are all of your ethnicities? What exactly are your parent ethnicities? Who was your primary guardian growing up and what was their ethnicity? How did they self-identify racially? And how did they think society racially identified them? These questions came to be very important when I analyzed the audio-recorded interview during the transcription process because it allowed me to identify the primary influences on their racial identities. It allowed me to see why they chose to self-identify racially the way they did when they may have had other ethnicities that they did not choose to identify with. One of my major findings did show that the family environment of my participants did play a major role in the way they chose to identify. The positive and negative messages in which they received from their family members about their ethnic identities would impact how they viewed themselves racially positively or negatively. Another point is that even if you are multiracial you may have only polarized to one race due to your “experience” and may for example consider yourself mono-racial such as African American although you have Caucasian lineage. This self-identity also shows how translucent race is and you can put yourself in to the box you feel most comfortable with and are not forced to disclose your other ethnicities if you do not want to, but society may still want to put you in a certain box even if you do not want to be put in that box. I know that my father, for example, who is also multiracial sometimes checks only White/Caucasian on job applications and employers are puzzled when he comes in for an interview. He has a European first and last name so it seems standard on paper that he could be White/Caucasian. He does this because he identifies with his German ancestry, his grandmother (my great-grandmother) was a prominent figure in his life and mine, so in essence is it really misleading or being untruthful for a multiracial person to identify with the dominant culture? I think this honestly proves that race is a social construct, but also shows how even if you choose to self-identify a certain way that doesn’t mean society will want you to identify that way if they’ve come to the consensus that your physical features don’t match their perception of your race..

In your opinion, what are the biggest challenges multiracial students face in forming their racial identities?

To me, it’s not knowing where or how they fit in society. A multiracial person may identify with multiple ethnic identities but may only hang out with peers from one racial group or they may feel accepted only by peers who identify with one of their ethnic identities. I think being multiracial means you are perceived as a minority so you will have a minority status regardless, for instance, if you grew up in a predominantly white neighborhood and only had white friends. Though the truth of the matter is that society will resist a person like that choosing to identify with the dominant culture. On the other hand multi-racial students who solely identify with their minority ethnic identities society is more supportive of that decision dating back to the historical context of the “one-drop rule.” So multiracial people’s biggest challenges are not knowing where they fit in and having society constantly question their racial identities. They can feel like outcasts, not gaining acceptance into any racial group.

What has been your personal experience as a multiracial student at St. Thomas?

There have been some moments that I felt alienated as a student of color, but my experience has been positive overall. I am glad I am came to a predominantly white university because it allowed me to communicate with the dominant population in a way that I was afraid to during my high school education. Also, I was able to come into my racial identity through college courses and by having my core group of friends as a support system. College has given me the opportunity to become friends with individuals who racially identify with as multiracial or biracial, and it has allowed us to have open dialogue about our experiences. The only time I’ve felt alienated is when the term “mulatto,” which means ”mule offspring of a horse or donkey” in Latin, is used to describe mixed-race people. I’ve also overheard racist jokes about ethnic groups that are part of my lineage. It doesn’t happen often, but when it does it’s hurtful. One wish I share with my friends, who are also students of color, is that I’d like to  have college friends who are of the dominant culture. I know it’s a two-way street and that I need to make an effort and extend my hand as much as I want them to reach out to me. I do have many Caucasian peers whom I consider associates, but I have never been able to make that connection with them to talk about issues that go beyond the surface. As a multiracial person who sees myself as white as much as a person of color, I would like to leave St. Thomas with a diverse group of close friends because I enjoy learning from people of all backgrounds. I know I am growing into my racial identity as I still find it challenging to connect with my peers from the dominant culture in environments and subjects that are not related to academics.

You use “standpoint theory” in your research. Can you describe this for the layperson and also tell us a bit about how this theory is a good fit for analyzing the multiracial experience?

By definition standpoint theory is utilized to suggest that “subordinate positions in society generate “privileged” perspectives relative to those who occupy advantaged positions.” For example, if you are a White male in the United States you sit at the top of the hierarchy, so a woman or person of color may have a privileged perspective when it comes to how they view injustices amongst women and people of color because they have experiences that the White male does not readily have. I would argue that standpoint theory really is just lending voice to a group of people so White males also have their own standpoint and experiences. The theory fits perfectly for analyzing the multiracial experience because it is, by nature, qualitative, so it gives a “voice” to the multiracial experience. This method allowed me to incorporate personal testimonies and accounts, which enriched my research. This isn’t to say that the quantitative method is a bad approach, but to really understand the multiracial experience I had to give the participants freedom to express themselves and describe their standpoint on how they feel they fit in society. Their personal accounts allowed me to show how their experience is unique compared to other racial groups and that their experience had legitimate concerns, but I also wanted to simply shed light on the beauty of being multiracial and what that truly means. Using standpoint theory was perfect because it allowed multiracial people to speak on their own behalf versus having society speak for them.

Can you think of one multiracial public figure, living or dead, whom you think has made great strides in the way multiracial people are perceived? 

I think American singer Alicia Keys is an exceptional individual and multiracial advocate. Keys self-identifies as Irish, Scottish, African American and Italian. In an interview she said she grew up in New York – a place where she never had to experience feeling “not Black enough” or “not White enough” but that she became comfortable with her biracial heritage because it allows her to relate to different cultures. This is true testimony from a public figure who embraces being multiracial and sees it as an asset. On top of that, at 31, she’s 14-time Grammy-award-winning singer, songwriter, music producer, activist and entrepreneur! She helped start an organization – Keep a Child Alive – which benefits children affected by AIDS in Africa and India. She also started an interactive learning app for children that was inspired by her multiracial son (her husband is African American and Puerto Rican). Keys has always carried herself in a classy way (both speech and dress), given back to others, and has always been comfortable in her skin and vocal about being multiracial. I respect her outer and inner beauty and she has touched lives around the world with her beautiful voice and through her caring ways.

Why do you think society, generally speaking, persists in pigeon-holing multiracial people into classifying themselves by only one race?

I understand demographics are useful to employers and universities, but I wish they would get rid of those race boxes. Society, however, is used to its system of race and identifying people based on one racial group. Race is a social construct, and being multiracial goes against the grain. Multiracial people do not fit into one racial category and they’re becoming less tolerant of being placed in one box. I think society recognizes the terms biracial and multiracial more often, or at least they recognize the term when it used, but it’s still frustrating to not be able to pin-point someone’s ethnicity. As humans we make assumptions about people all the time based on how they look so when you do not know what a person’s race is you cannot put them into a stereotypical category or make connections between them and to other people you may know from a particular racial group. I think racial categories simplify people’s ethnicities. For those who identify as multiracial, this limits them from truly expressing who they are. I would like to think that as more people start to identify as multiracial, society will change the way it views race.

This graduate information session will give prospective students a chance to meet MSW faculty, ask questions and learn more about how a graduate degree in social work can fit into their lives.

For more information about the program visit the Master of Social Work website.

Registration and more information can be found online. Registration also is available by calling the Graduate Admissions office, (651) 690-6933, or (800) 945-4599, Ext. 6933.

Ernie Gunderson

The daughter of Danish immigrants, Mary tells the heartrending tale of settling in rural Minnesota just before the Great Depression. Hartland is the small town where Mary’s early memories began. She describes her checkered career as a country school teacher in the 1940s. She goes on to marry a farmer and raises 11 children, two of whom succumb to mental illness and suicide.

Mary’s recovery from this family tragedy began when she founded a chapter of the National Alliance on Mental Illness in her home town, becoming a personal and political advocate for others suffering from mental illness. Her NAMI work led to Washington, D.C., where she was invited to lobby for mental health parity and tell her story to congressional delegates on Capitol Hill in 1990.

Mary Gunderson

In addition to her duties as a farm wife and a mother, Mary was a prolific writer. She recorded her entire life in diaries, letters, journals, and the unpublished memoir. After two life-changing trips to Denmark, Mary wrote and self-published The History of a Danish Family, the history of her family dating to 1800.

Ernie, the third of Mary’s 11 children, quit his 24-year engineering career the same year Mary passed away. In 2005 he entered the Graduate School of Social work at UST/SCU to get his M.S.W. and begin a new career. In the process of researching and writing papers, he discovered his love for writing and became fascinated with the large collection of Mary’s written work. A 2007 tour of his mother’s childhood home inspired Ernie to resurrect and publish Mary’s story. In 2008 Ernie requested and was granted a one year leave from the MSW program to research and complete the story which his mother began.

The award was presented at the Council on Social Work Education’s annual program meeting in Atlanta, Ga.

Baboila has been teaching, supporting and guiding social work students for 22 of the 24 years he has been in the social work practice. In his work with the Interprofessional Center, he works with nearly 20 undergraduate and graduate students annually.

George Baboila with Lisa Richardson, director of School of Social Work field education, left, and Dr. Barbara Shank, School of Social Work dean.

The award, presented annually since 1995, recognizes excellence in social work field education, including skill in teaching, service to the university and innovation in field instruction.

Baboila is “a model of teaching, service and mentorship and continues to make a significant impact on all those he works with and on the profession,” according to an article in Social Work Perspectives, published by the School of Social Work.

“George shares with students his broad range of social work knowledge and experience,” the article said. “He is grounded in both generalist practice and clinical social work and brings this to his field instruction in a variety of learning opportunities that span the micro, mezzo and macro aspects of social work practice.”

Under the leadership of associate professor Mary Ann Brenden, the faculty examined their field through the lens of Catholic Social Teaching – a practice which places an emphasis on the care of the most poor and needy members of society. The result was Social Work for Social Justice, the centerpiece of which is a set of 10 principles that inform the curriculum at the School of Social Work. To date, no other institution has put together this kind of comprehensive model of integrating Catholic Social Teaching with social work.

This groundbreaking work has influenced Catholic colleges and universities across the United States. In 2007, the School of Social Work held a conference, sharing its model with other colleges and universities. Thirty-five schools attended, and an additional 29 schools requested the resource guide distributed at the conference.

More importantly, Social Work for Social Justice has changed the way social work students view the work they will do as social workers. The 10 principles are being slowly and deliberately integrated into the curriculum. In some courses, the principles are a required part of the curriculum; in other courses, faculty members are including them voluntarily.

Valandra, an assistant professor in the School of Social Work, is one of these faculty members. In one junior practicum class, she encourages students to include the 10 principles in some form within their practicum. She recalls that one particular student included the 10 principles in her practicum’s goals and objectives – goals that were later shared with the supervisor at the organization where she was placed. The supervisor was alarmed and told her that the institution at which she was doing her practicum was not Catholic. This led to a conversation during which the student was able to reassure her supervisor that the principles were a framework for approaching social work, not a way of imposing beliefs on the institution’s clients.

Emily Alewine ’08 M.S.W., found that Social Work for Social Justice gave her a new way to approach her work. She had been working in residential treatment with the Wilder Foundation for a few years and decided that she wanted to move into individual and family therapy. Alewine learned about the clinical focus at the School of Social Work and decided she wanted to get her master’s degree here.

When Alewine first heard about Social Work for Social Justice in a class, she was intrigued by the religious and ethical approach to social work. “I grew up in the Episcopal Church,” Alewine said. “A lot of the principles coincide with how I was brought up. I’m not church-going now, but by utilizing the 10 principles I stay in touch with the goals, morals and values with which I was brought up.”

Alewine found that the principles she was learning helped her to take a broader view of the situations that she studied in class. Although she was not required to include the principles in every assignment, she took it upon herself to apply Social Work to Social Justice in most of her papers. “Before I learned about Social Work for Social Justice, I didn’t really focus on the macro level, but now I am more interested in policy and advocacy,” Alewine noted.

In addition to bringing the 10 principles into her schoolwork, Alewine used them in her internship at the Beacon Alternative Learning Center at Kennedy High School in Bloomington. “I tried to foster the ability to see the broader picture in the kids I worked with,” said Alewine. “When you’re in crisis, it’s more difficult to see that your actions affect others, as well as yourself.” After graduation, Alewine joined Children’s Home Society and Family Services, where she works as a birthparent pregnancy counselor. “Although I am not necessarily cognizant of it all the time,” she said, “I do feel that I utilize the Social Work for Social Justice principles in my day-to-day activities. The principle of “human dignity” speaks directly to the mission of CHSFS.

“During my time with the organization, both as an intern and as an employee, I have seen this belief carried out in its work,” Alewine said. “I also make it a personal point to treat everyone with respect and to work closely with people so they feel supported in the choices they make.”

Alewine sees many of the other principles play out on the job, including “community and the common good,” which is supported by her work in helping birthparents and adoptive parents develop a relationship.

Assistant professor Serene Thornton said that some students have told her they came to St. Thomas because of its Catholic mission, and that they have seen that mission played out in the School of Social Work. But while the principles are rooted in Catholic Social Teaching, they speak to students and faculty of different faiths. In fact, one of the strengths of the principles are its universality so that they can be used in settings that are not exclusively Catholic, such as Alewine’s experience at CHSFS.

Theresa McPartlin, director of BSW field education and assistant professor, said, “Catholic Social Teaching is a natural fit with a Catholic university, but it also includes an invitation to people of different faiths to examine their own beliefs.”

Alumna Sarah Ruth Ryan ’93, ’99 M.S.W., heard Dean Barbara Shank speak about Social Work for Social Justice at a conference. Ryan was pleased with what she heard. “The School of Social Work has always been enmeshed in Catholic Social Thinking,” she said. “Now they’re making it more explicit.”

“Every school of social work talks about social justice,” Shank said. “What makes us different is that we have taken this to a new level and linked it with our identity and mission.”

Social Work for Social Justice: Ten Principles

Human Dignity
Dignity of the human person is the ethical foundation of a moral society. The measure of every institution is whether it threatens or enhances the life and dignity of the human person.

Dignity of Work and the Rights of Workers
The economy must serve the people, not the other way around. The basic rights of workers must be respected – the right to productive work, to decent and fair wages, to organize and join unions, to private property and to economic initiative.

Community and the Common Good
All individuals by virtue of their human nature have social needs. Human relationships enable people to meet their needs and provide an important vehicle for change. The family is the central social institution that must be supported and strengthened. The way in which society is organized directly affects human dignity and the common good.

Solidarity
We are our brother’s and sister’s keeper. We are one human family, whatever our differences. An ethic of care acknowledging our interdependence belongs in every aspect of human experience.

Rights and Responsibilities
People have a right and a responsibility to participate in society and to work together toward the common good. Human dignity is protected and healthy community can be achieved only if human rights are protected and responsibilities are met.

Stewardship
It is incumbent upon us to recognize and protect the value of all people and all resources on our planet. While rights to personal property are recognized, these rights are not unconditional and are secondary to the best interest of the commongood, especially in relation to the right of all individuals to meet their basic needs.

Priority for the Poor and Vulnerable
A basic moral test of any community or society is the way in which the most vulnerable members are faring. In a society characterized by deepening divisions between rich and poor, the needs of those most at risk should be considered a priority.

Governance/Principle of Subsidiarity
Governance structures in all levels/settings have an imperative to promote human dignity, protect human rights and build the common good. While the principle of subsidiarity calls for the functions of government to be performed at the lowest level possible in order to ensure self-determination and empowerment, higher levels of government have the responsibility to provide leadership and to set policy in the best interest of the common good.

Participation
All people have a right to participate in the economic, political and cultural life of society. It is the ultimate injustice for a person or a group to be excluded unfairly.

Promotion of Peace
In light of the human dignity and worth of all and the ethical imperatives of solidarity and stewardship, we are called to promote peace and nonviolence at all levels. Peace is the fruit of justice and is dependent upon the respect and cooperation between peoples and nations.

- Lydia Radke, master of social work student, on the 400 hours she spent in the Interprofessional Center in 2003-2004

They come to the center – the underserved poor – for help with problems ranging from health care issues to political asylum to life-threatening situations of domestic violence.

And St. Thomas students enrolled in the schools of law, social work and professional psychology work with these clients under close faculty supervision at the Interprofessional Center for Counseling and Legal Services.

“A number of clients have expressed gratitude for the level of dedication that students give to their cases. One client sent Christmas cards to all of the students and staff working on her case, thanking them for their assistance,” recalled Virgil Wiebe, director of the Legal Services Clinic.

St. Thomas opened the center in fall 2003 across from the School of Law on the downtown Minneapolis campus in the Harmon Court building. Most professional schools in American universities offer clinical services and training in law, psychology and social work, but the St. Thomas center is among the first in the country to forge a partnership among these disciplines.

“There is no program exactly like this in the country with its three-way collaboration of social work, law and professional psychology,” said Dr. Barbara Shank, dean of social work.

“It is an invaluable training experience for students that fits the mission of St. Thomas,” said Dr. Jean Birbilis, interim dean of professional psychology during the clinic’s first year.

“It is unique and cutting edge,” said Dr. David Welch, dean of the Graduate School of Professional Psychology. “It is a wonderful compliment to St. Thomas and its originators.”

The center is the brainchild of Shank and Dr. Burton Nolan, former dean of professional psychology. “The mission of St. Thomas is to be of the community and in the community,” Shank said. “Many people are not poor enough to be in assistance programs but don’t have enough money to get the services they need. So there is a critical need for services to individuals who may be uninsured or cannot afford to pay market rates for lawyers, social workers and psychologists.” Typical of the working poor are those who have jobs in fast food, security or housekeeping, or immigrants who need government permission to hold jobs.

“The center is consistent with our mission both as an urban university and a Catholic university,” said Father Dennis Dease, president of St. Thomas. “We are committed to meeting the diverse, changing needs of the community and fostering in our students a tradition of service.”

Clients by referral

Clients come by referral only. The center collaborates with Catholic Charities and 13 other community organizations to avoid duplication of services and take advantage of strengths that those organizations bring to the project.

As of fall 2004, the center had provided extended services to more than 80 people and brief legal services or advice to an additional 70 people or organizations. Also, professional psychology took in 18 individual clients, did many assessments, and led several group therapy activities for elders and children.

In the process, 66 law students, eight social work students and eight psychology students have taken part. Law students have the majority of cases, but as the center evolves, more graduate students in social work and professional psychology will participate.

Law students are supervised by faculty members Jennifer Wright (elder law), Nekima Levy-Pounds (family law) and Virgil Wiebe (immigration law).

Students take a six-credit law class, Legal Services Clinic, and spend about 18 to 20 hours a week in the clinic. “It is a practicum,” Wiebe explained, “and it is essential for students to get the opportunity to represent clients and go to court – all under the supervision of a practicing attorney. Our law students are certified by court to practice in the clinic.

“Most clients are very grateful and get very connected to students. Students often comment that the experiences are very intense but they enjoy it and miss it when it is over. It is a lot different from sitting in class.”

Cases often go beyond legal scope

In family law, “students are exposed to a plethora of issues affecting low-income families and abused women and children,” Levy-Pounds said. “Under our supervision, they do initial client interviews, negotiate with opposing counsels, make court appearances, attend evidentiary hearings and draft legal documents.”

“By becoming advocates on behalf of those whose voices often go unheard, students gain confidence and a stronger sense of self,” Levy-Pounds added. “They learn the importance of using legal skills to work for the public good.”

Many clients have issues beyond the legal scope in family law cases, custody matters and abused women in particular, so counseling services are essential.

Immigration cases were a large part of student law practice for Matthew Donovan, who graduated in May and now is a clerk on the Minnesota Court of Appeals. “We see immigrants with a variety of concerns – from applications for asylum to torture relief to civil and criminal claims against alleged wrongdoers.

“I think one of the most crucial elements of the center, however, has been an emphasis on the kind of interpersonal skills a lawyer must have when interviewing clients, especially clients who may have endured some fairly substantial suffering or may just be uneasy in a legal environment.

“Generally, we put in 18 to 20 hours a week,” said Donovan, holder of an M.A. in theology from Boston College. “But my team inherited from last year’s students a complex case and we averaged more than that. We had a hearing date scheduled close to our law clinic orientation and it was on my birthday – so I kicked off my 30s by making an appearance in court.”

In elder law, legal issues range from clients evicted by their nursing homes due to financial eligibility issues to those who want to make decisions for themselves.

“Connecting emotionally with clients and establishing trust is very important,” Wright said. “Often, the referring agency will tell us the case is about one issue and at the first interview, a different issue – perhaps the client’s ability to lead an independent life – comes out as most important.

“Clients are very appreciative of the students. Many are so lonely that they really appreciate having someone on their side to affirm their rights when they feel very helpless to do so on their own.”

Social workers are essential

Social workers are involved in the majority of elder law cases, from helping to assess a client’s capacity to dealing with those whose capacity is impaired. They provide essential services that often help win a legal case, Wright said.

“For example, a client with mental health and substance-abuse issues was threatened with eviction from a senior apartment complex. Our social workers worked with the client to address the substance abuse and set up supportive services, such as a housecleaning service, to mitigate the effects of the client’s mental health problems. Because of this, we were able to defeat the eviction.”

Amanda Pettis, who interned at a battered women’s shelter while getting her B.A from the University of Minnesota-Duluth, will receive her master’s in social work from St. Thomas in 2006. During her first-year internship in social work, Pettis put in 200 hours at the clinic. She worked mainly with the elder law practice group and typically met with clients in nursing homes.

“Working on an interdisciplinary team with other students has been a tremendous learning experience,” Pettis said. “I appreciate getting another perspective when working with clients, and I can bring up issues that the law students hadn’t thought about during case team meetings and vice versa.”

As director of Social Services at the center, James Stolz, M.S.W., notes that “we have the luxury of students being able to conduct therapy sessions while being assisted by a supervisor via two-way mirrors as well as video and audiotapes.”

Legal issues might bring clients to the center but other problems, such as housing and transportation, are also present, Stolz said. “In addition, our Relapse Prevention Program attracts people who have not had success with traditional chemical dependency treatment programs.

“Just today I spoke with one of our clients who recently returned to work – a major hurdle for him. He said he could not have accomplished that without the support and help he has been receiving at the center.”

Need for psychologists is great

The need for professional psychologists is great. “With federal and state cuts, most agencies lay off the psychologists who are serving the working poor and the homeless,” Birbilis said. “Money is tight and comes and goes politically. Since our 80 master’s and doctoral students working in the community donate more than 50,000 hours in health centers, really every setting where you find psychologists working, our student contributions are needed more than ever.”

Last year, psychology students held focus groups in the community to see what was needed and effective. Clients bring with them problems such as mood disorders, discrimination, family violence, career/job/employment issues, health care and education problems, substance abuse, physical and sexual abuse and gang involvement.

Dr. Darryl Goetz, who has a Ph.D. in family therapy from the University of Minnesota, directed Psychological Services until leaving in December. He explained that students in the third year of their doctoral programs offer individual and group therapy, counseling and assessments.

Center an exciting collaboration

The center draws its funding from a variety of sources. Faculty and staff for the Legal Services Clinic are funded by the law school budget and funds for Counseling Services come from the university and two $75,000 grants approved by Congress for fiscal year 2004 and 2005. Additional requests for federal and foundation grants are in progress.

“The center is an exciting collaboration,” said Tom Mengler, dean of the School of Law. “It is entirely consistent with the Catholic identity of St. Thomas and its urban mission to fund a center that serves the poor and the working poor – those most in need of our care.”